The Perspective Of A Russian Immigrant

Investor's Business Daily

Like I've Been Saying All Along, The Government Caused The Mortgage Crisis!

How Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac Sank In The Subprime Quicksand

Private Sector Experience of The Obama Administration vs. Others

This is a very illustrative graph showing the private sector experience of cabinet members in Administrations since 1900.

A Great Article On Alternative Energy

From the American Thinker "Climate Fraud and the Environmental Agenda"

The Great Global Warming Swindle

You won't read about this in the lame stream media, because they don't want you to know about it, but there is a huge story on emails obtained from hacking into the server of the University of East Anglia's Climate Research Unit. The emails illustrate how scientists have been suppressing and manipulating data to fit in with their research relating to climate change. Here's another article from the Washington Times. Senator Inhofe is calling for Congressional hearings on "Climategate".

Healthcare By Numbers

Some numbers presented by Senator Orrin Hatch on the Senate floor

Cloward-Piven Government

An American Thinker article I encourage you to read.

Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act

Here it is Ladies and Gentleman! The Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act. It's only 2,074 Pages! Start reading now!

This Administration Is A Joke Folks!

I still cannot believe that the Obama Administration is going to bring Khalid Sheikh Mohammed to The United States of America and try him in a civilian court and give him and other terrorists the same rights as you or I have! This is absolute insanity! He's not American. He wasn't picked up in the U.S. He wasn't wearing a uniform. Have you ever seen these terrorists cut off someone's head with a kitchen knife while the victim is screaming? And while cutting their head off chanting "Allahu Akbar" which means God is great? Well I have and it sickens me! These terrorists deserve absolutely no rights, period! And the Obama Administration is treating these terrorists like they're common criminals!

Watch this exchange today between Senator Lyndsey Graham and Attorney General Eric Holder.



Today on Rush Limbaugh, he made some excellent points about the ensuing trial. I strongly encourage you to read the transcript from the show.

The (SEC) Securities and Exchange Commission Received Numerous Warnings About Bernie Madoff and Did Nothing!

So recently we've been hearing that there just aren't enough regulations of investment firms and "big business". I submit there are plenty of rules and regulations and plenty of Government oversight, but the Government doesn't do its job. Despite numerous letters written to the SEC, Bernie Madoff was still able to get away with his ponzi scheme. Do you think any of the Federal employees will ever be held accountable for dropping the ball? Hell no!
Here's one of the letters sent to the SEC in November 2005 warning the SEC about Madoff.
Here is the Executive Summary to SEC Inspector General David Kotz. Please read the second paragraph!
Part I and Part II of a great blog about the executive summary.

Let's Make A Comparison Between Cambridge Police and Fort Hood

Here's the President commenting on the case of the Cambridge police where he admits he doesn't have all of the facts and then goes on to make his judgment based on what's been reported in the news.



So he can say that the Cambridge police acted stupidly, without knowing all of the facts. Then he goes on to say that African Americans and Latinos get stopped by the police disproportionally and that's just a fact. So he can make all of these claims without having the facts.

NOW LET'S TAKE A LOOK AT WHAT HE SAYS ABOUT THE TERRORIST ATTACK AT FORT HOOD.



Now he says we don't have all of the facts, yet we shouldn't jump to conclusions. That's kind of strange isn't it? And it's also strange that on the day of the shooting, I was listening to the radio and the news station cut in to listen to the President comment on the shooting at a summit he held for Indian Affairs. He talked for two minutes, giving shout outs to some of the people there and yucking it up with everyone before commenting on the shootings. Very strange. Something just doesn't seem right about this administration.

"The General Welfare Clause"

I can't tell you how many times I heard Democrats on the House floor come up to the podium and say that the "General Welfare" clause of The Constitution is the reason for them to vote for the health care bill! WHAT A DAM PERVERSION OF OUR CONSTITUTION!!! Do these people, our "representatives", even have a clue about where in The Constitution this statement is? It's not even in the main text of The Constitution, it's in the preamble!

Here's what the preamble to The Constitution says:

We the People of the United States, in Order to form a more perfect Union, establish Justice, insure domestic Tranquility, provide for the common defence, promote the general Welfare, and secure the Blessings of Liberty to ourselves and our Posterity, do ordain and establish this Constitution for the United States of America.

It doesn't say anything about giving The Government the power to enact any legislation it wants for the general welfare of The United States! All it's saying is that in order to do these basic things, we made a Constitution! And we are going to spell out exactly, in the following 7 articles, what power we are going to delegate to The Federal Government! It doesn't give them free reign to do whatever they want!

After doing five minutes of research on this, let me give you a couple of quotes from Thomas Jefferson regarding the "General Welfare Clause".

"Aided by a little sophistry on the words "general welfare," [the federal branch claim] a right to do not only the acts to effect that which are specifically enumerated and permitted, but whatsoever they shall think or pretend will be for the general welfare." - Thomas Jefferson to William Branch Giles, 1825. ME 16:147

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"They are not to do anything they please to provide for the general welfare, but only to lay taxes for that purpose. To consider the latter phrase not as describing the purpose of the first, but as giving a distinct and independent power to do any act they please which might be for the good of the Union, would render all the preceding and subsequent enumerations of power completely useless. It would reduce the whole instrument to a single phrase, that of instituting a Congress with power to do whatever would be for the good of the United States; and, as they would be the sole judges of the good or evil, it would be also a power to do whatever evil they please... Certainly no such universal power was meant to be given them. It was intended to lace them up straitly within the enumerated powers and those without which, as means, these powers could not be carried into effect." - Thomas Jefferson: Opinion on National Bank, 1791. ME 3:148

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"With respect to the words general welfare, I have always regarded them as qualified by the detail of powers connected with them. To take them in a literal and unlimited sense would be a metamorphosis of the Constitution into a character which there is a host of proofs was not contemplated by its creators." - James Madison

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"It has been urged and echoed, that the power "to lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts, and excises, to pay the debts, and provide for the common defense and general welfare of the United States," amounts to an unlimited commission to exercise every power which may be alleged to be necessary for the common defense or general welfare."

"But what color can the objection have, when a specification of the objects alluded to by these general terms immediately follows, and is not even separated by a longer pause than a semicolon? If the different parts of the same instrument ought to be so expounded, as to give meaning to every part which will bear it, shall one part of the same sentence be excluded altogether from a share in the meaning; and shall the more doubtful and indefinite terms be retained in their full extent, and the clear and precise expressions be denied any signification whatsoever? For what purpose could the enumeration of particular powers be inserted, if these and all others were meant to be included in the preceding general power? Nothing is more natural nor common than first to use a general phrase, and then to explain and qualify it by a recital of particulars. But the idea of an enumeration of particulars which neither explain nor qualify the general meaning, and can have no other effect than to confound and mislead, is an absurdity,..." - Federalist No. 41 James Madison

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Mr. GEORGE MASON. Mr. Chairman, gentlemen say there is no new power given by this clause. Is there any thing in this Constitution which secures to the states the powers which are said to be retained? Will powers remain to the states which are not expressly guarded and reserved? I will suppose a case. Gentlemen may call it an impossible case, and suppose that Congress will act with wisdom and integrity. Among the enumerated powers, Congress are to lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts, and excises, and to pay the debts, and to provide for the general welfare and common defence; and by that clause (so often called the sweeping clause) they are to make all laws necessary to execute those laws. Now, suppose oppressions {442} should arise under this government, and any writer should dare to stand forth, and expose to the community at large the abuses of those powers; could not Congress, under the idea of providing for the general welfare, and under their own construction, say that this was destroying the general peace, encouraging sedition, and poisoning the minds of the people? And could they not, in order to provide against this, lay a dangerous restriction On the press? Might they not even bring the trial of this restriction within the ten miles square, when there is no prohibition against it? Might they not thus destroy the trial by jury? Would they not extend their implication? It appears to me that they may and will. And shall the support of our rights depend on the bounty of men whose interest it may be to oppress us? That Congress should have power to provide for the general welfare of the Union, I grant. But I wish a clause in the Constitution, with respect to all powers which are not granted, that they are retained by the states. Otherwise, the power of providing for the general welfare may be perverted to its destruction.

Many gentlemen, whom I respect, take different sides of this question. We wish this amendment to be introduced, to remove our apprehensions. There was a clause in the Confederation reserving to the states respectively every power, jurisdiction, and right, not expressly delegated to the United States. This clause has never been complained of, but approved by all. Why not, then, have a similar clause in this Constitution, in which it is the more indispensably necessary than in the Confederation, because of the great augmentation of power vested in the former? In my humble apprehension, unless there be some such clear and finite expression, this clause now under consideration will go to any thing our rulers may think proper. Unless there be some express declaration that every thing not given is retained, it will be carried to any power Congress may please.

Mr. HENRY moved to read from the 8th to the 13th article of the declaration of rights; which was done.

Mr. GEORGE NICHOLAS, in reply to the gentlemen opposed to the clause under debate, went over the same grounds, and developed the same principles, which Mr. Pendleton and Mr. Madison had done. The opposers of the {443} clause, which gave the power of providing for the general welfare, supposed its dangers to result from its connection with, and extension of, the powers granted in the other clauses. He endeavored to show the committee that it only empowered Congress to make such laws as would be necessary to enable them to pay the public debts and provide for the common defence; that this general welfare was united, not to the general power of legislation, but to the particular power of laying and collecting taxes, imposts, and excises, for the purpose of paying the debts and providing for the common defence, — that is, that they could raise as much money as would pay the debts and provide for the common defence, in consequence of this power. The clause which was affectedly called the sweeping clause contained no new grant of power. To illustrate this position, he observed that, if it had been added at the end of every one of the enumerated powers, instead of being inserted at the end of all, it would be obvious to any one that it was no augmentation of power. If, for instance, at the end of the clause granting power to lay and collect taxes, it had been added that they should have power to make necessary and proper laws to lay and collect taxes, who could suspect it to be an addition of power? As it would grant no new power if inserted at the end of each clause, it could not when subjoined to the whole.

He then proceeded thus: But, says he, who is to determine the extent of such powers? I say, the same power which, in all well-regulated communities, determines the extent of legislative powers. If they exceed these powers, the judiciary will declare it void, or else the people will have a right to declare it void. Is this depending on any man? But, says the gentleman, it may go to any thing. It may destroy the trial by jury; and they may say it is necessary for providing for the general defence. The power of providing for the general defence only extends to raise any sum of money they may think necessary, by taxes, imposts, &c. But, says he, our only defence against oppressive laws consists in the virtue of our representatives. This was misrepresented. If I understand it right, no new power can be exercised. As to those which are actually granted, we trust to the fellow-feelings of our representatives; and if we are deceived, we then trust to altering our {444} government. It appears to me, however, that we can confide in their discharging their powers rightly, from the peculiarity of their situation, and connection with us. If, sir, the powers of the former Congress were very inconsiderable, that body did not deserve to have great powers.

It was so constructed that it would be dangerous to invest it with such. But why were the articles of the bill of rights read? Let him show us that those rights are given up by the Constitution. Let him prove them to be violated. He tells us that the most worthy characters of the country differ as to the necessity of a bill of rights. It is a simple and plain proposition. It is agreed upon by all that the people have all power. If they part with any of it, is it necessary to declare that they retain the rest? Liken it to any similar case. If I have one thousand acres of land, and I grant five hundred acres of it, must I declare that I retain the other five hundred? Do I grant the whole thousand acres, when I grant five hundred, unless I declare that the five hundred I do not give belong to me still? It is so in this case. After granting some powers, the rest must remain with the people.

Gov. RANDOLPH observed that he had some objections to the clause. He was persuaded that the construction put upon it by the gentlemen, on both sides, was erroneous; but he thought any construction better than going into anarchy.

Mr. GEORGE MASON still thought that there ought to be some express declaration in the Constitution, asserting that rights not given to the general government were retained by the states. He apprehended that, unless this was done, many valuable and important rights would be concluded to be given up by implication. All governments were drawn from the people, though many were perverted to their oppression. The government of Virginia, he remarked, was drawn from the people; yet there were certain great and important rights, which the people, by their bill of rights, declared to be paramount to the power of the legislature. He asked, Why should it not be so in this Constitution? Was it because we were more substantially represented in it than in the state government? If, in the state government, where the people were substantially and fully represented, it was necessary that the great rights of human nature should {445} be secure from the encroachments of the legislature, he asked if it was not more necessary in this government, where they were but inadequately represented? He declared that artful sophistry and evasions could not satisfy him. He could see no clear distinction between rights relinquished by a positive grant, and lost by implication. Unless there were a bill of rights, implication might swallow up all our rights.

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But the rhetoric of the gentleman has highly colored the dangers of giving the general government an indefinite power of providing for the general welfare. I contend that no such power is given. They have power "to lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts, and excises, to pay the debts and provide for the common defence and general welfare of the United States." Is this an independent, separate, substantive power, to provide for the general welfare of the United States? No, sir. They can lay and collect taxes, &c. For what? To pay the debts and provide for the general welfare. Were not this the case, the following part of the clause would be absurd. It would have been treason against common language. Take it altogether, and let me ask if the plain interpretation be not this — a power to lay and collect taxes, &c., in order to provide for the general welfare and pay debts.

I observed that the honorable gentleman's proposition comes in a truly questionable shape, and is still more extra? ordinary and unaccountable for another consideration — that, although we went article by article through the Constitution, and although we did not expect a general review of the subject, (as a most comprehensive view had been taken of it before it was regularly debated,) yet we are carried back to the clause giving that dreadful power, for the general welfare, Pardon me, if I remind you of the true state of that business. I appeal to the candor of the honorable gentleman, and if he thinks it an improper appeal, I ask the gentlemen here, whether there be a general, indefinite power of providing for the general welfare? The power is, "to lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts, and excises, to pay the debts, and provide for the common defence and general welfare," so that they can only raise money by these means, in order to provide for the general welfare. No man who reads it can say it is general, as the honorable gentleman represents {600} it. You must violate every rule of construction and common sense, if you sever it from the power of raising money, and annex it to any thing else, in order to make it that formidable power which it is represented to be.

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Gov. RANDOLPH
The sweeping clause, as it is called, is much dreaded. I find that I differ from several gentlemen on this point. This formidable clause does not in the least increase the powers of Congress. It is only inserted for greater cautions and to prevent the possibility of encroaching upon the powers of Congress. No sophistry will be permitted to be used to explain away any of those powers; nor can they possibly assume any other power, but what is contained in the Constitution, without absolute usurpation. Another security is {207} that, if they attempt such a usurpation, the influence of the state governments will nip it in the bud of hope. I know this government will be cautiously watched. The smallest assumption of power will be sounded in alarm to the people, and followed by bold and active opposition. I hope that my countrymen will keep guard against every arrogation of power. I shall take notice of what the honorable gentleman said with respect to the power to provide for the general welfare. The meaning of this clause has been perverted, to alarm our apprehensions. The whole clause has not been read together. It enables Congress "to lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts, and excises; to pay the debts and provide for the common defence and general welfare of the United States; but all duties, imposts, and excises, shall be uniform throughout the United States." The plain and obvious meaning of this is, that no more duties, taxes, imposts, and excises, shall be laid, than are sufficient to pay the debts, and provide for the common defence and general welfare, of the United States.
If you mean to have a general government at all, ought it not to be empowered to raise money to pay the debts, and advance the prosperity, of the United States, in the manner that Congress shall think most eligible? What is the consequence of the contrary? You give it power by one hand, and take it away from it by the other. If it be defective in some parts, yet we ought to give due credit to those parts which are ackowledged to be good. Does not the prohibition of paper money merit our approbation? I approve of it because it prohibits tender-laws, secures the widows and orphans, and prevents the states from impairing contracts. I admire that part which forces Virginia to pay her debts. If we recur to the bill of rights, which the honorable gentleman speaks so much of, we shall find that it recommends justice. Had not this power been given, my affection for it would not have been so great. When it obliges us to tread in the path of virtue, when it takes away from the most influential man the power of directing our passions to his own emolument, and of trampling upon justice, I hope to be excused when I say, that, were it mote objectionable than it is, I should vote for the Union.
THE DEBATES IN THE CONVENTION OF THE COMMONWEALTH OF VIRGINIA, ON THE ADOPTION OF THE FEDERAL CONSTITUTION

What The Health-Care Bill Says

The Wall Street Journal

111 New Bureaucracies In Health Care Bill!

Fox Article

The Worst Bill Ever!

Wall Street Journal Article